The Treason of Aaron Burr and American Politics

Aaron Burr was an attorney, military officer, senator, and the third Vice President of the United States, by definition a founding father of the United States. His legacy however is forever tarnished by his actions at Weehawken, New Jersey where he shot and killed Alexander Hamilton in a duel. His legacy became further tarnished when he became the leader of a plot to cause the secession of some new United States territories in an attempt to form a new country in these territories that had been purchased from France during the presidency of Thomas Jefferson, a time that Burr himself served as Vice President. The political ramifications of Burr’s actions would become an indelible stain on the history of the new nation. The purpose of this paper is to examine the actions of Aaron Burr and his co-conspirators to view how these actions would affect the political positions of the new United States territories and the country as a whole. The players involved in the conspiracy and the prosecution were some of the most important people in American politics at the time. For many years, historians have written about Burr’s Conspiracy, there has however been no clear discussion of how it affected the political future of the United States. By examining historical documents, court documents and the writing of other historian on the topic, a political picture of Aaron Burr’s treasonous actions can be observed.

            In considering the political climate of the new republic there are several items that should be brought to the forefront of United States politics in 1800. The United States Government had only been in place for twenty-nine years, the U.S. Constitution had only been in place for twenty-three years. 1800 saw the fourth presidential election of the new republic. The United States political system broke to a two-party system in 1792. The United States was a young nation handling the growing pains of expanding territory, and development of a government and laws that had not been in existence for very long. The political climate itself was very tense due to a perceived threat to separate political parties in the Alien and Sedition Acts and the loss of the political father of the nation, George Washington, in 1799. This new nation was ill prepared for any significant internal political strife. The occurrences that would follow the election of 1800 would have a significant political impact on the country for some time. The Trial that would follow Burr’s conspiracy would involve both political parties, Thomas Jefferson a Democratic-Republican directing the prosecution from Washington, Chief Justice John Marshall who had been appointed by John Adams, a Federalist, and Aaron Burr who had left the Federalist Party and joined the Democratic- Republicans.  

Aaron Burr

            The election of 1800 was a tumultuous time for the new republic, there were two parties and a defined line between the two. It was a time of strong political fervor with strong allegation being thrown out against the opposing party. A Connecticut Federalist concerned about a Jefferson victory in the election stated, “There is scarcely a possibility that we shall escape a Civil War. Murder, robbery, rape, adultery, and incest will all be openly taught and practiced, the air will be rent with the cries of distress, the soil will be soaked with blood, and the nation black with crimes.”[1] This election was a significant break from the prior three presidential elections that have been held, while elections were competitive, the political slander that would happen in the election of 1800 would create a polarization in American politics. There was a strong fear that a civil war might be imminent. While political discourse was still largely peaceful, there was a divide between the two parties that caused strong rhetoric. Democratic-Republicans in the South felt that the Alien and Sedition act was a direct response to the forming of the party. Other concerns were, “the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions, coupled with the alleged stockpiling of arms and other defensive measures by Virginia, had convinced the Federalists that the Virginia Republicans were at the forefront of a movement to defy the government.”[2] In the election of 1796, Jefferson ran for president reluctantly after encouragement from his friends in Virginia and other Democratic-Republicans. When he lost the election to John Adams, there were many within the party that believed he would not serve his term. Surprisingly, Jefferson took on a new political sense and became very active in the leadership and the viewpoints of the Democratic- Republicans. Jefferson as Vice-President was also and active voice of dissent inside the Presidential Cabinet. This became a point of contention with the passage of the Alien and Sedition Acts and the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions calling the Alien and Sedition Acts unconstitutional.[3] There was a strong resentment between the President and Vice-President and the two political parties as the election of 1800 approached. As 1800 approached, it was clear that Jefferson would be the presidential candidate for the Democratic- Republicans, Adams however had become unpopular in the Federalist Party. Members of his own cabinet were taking advise from outside influencers including Alexander Hamilton. When Adams was renominated as the Federalist candidate a deep schism then grew among the Federalists.

            Enter Aaron Burr a senator from New York who joined the Democratic- Republicans to challenge Phillip Schuyler. After winning that seat he was determined to gain more political power. Burr was signed on as the Vice-Presidential candidate with Thomas Jefferson in the 1800 election. While running for the vice- presidential position, Burr cast himself as a better candidate than Jefferson and openly campaigned for himself in the presidential position over Jefferson. When the vote reached the Electoral College, the votes were tied between Jefferson and Burr. When the matter went before the House of Representatives, Alexander Hamilton convinced some Federalists to support Jefferson over Burr. Jefferson won the election and Burr was placed in the Vice-Presidential role. Jefferson noted to Burr that he was aware of his open campaigning against him. The next four years would be difficult between them.

            Thomas Baker’s article, “An Attack Well Directed” Aaron Burr Intrigues for the Presidency highlights Aaron Burr’s want for the power of the presidency, and how he used back room deals and promises to attempt to gain that power over Jefferson. There are historians who believe that Burr’s full intent was to upset the Jefferson Presidency, “many people wondered if Burr had schemed with Federalists in Congress or otherwise taken steps to secure his own election in the ballot.”[4] A letter found in the papers of Representative Edward Livingston revealed a plot to alter the electors towards Burr, crafted by William P Van Ness. William P. Van Ness was a noted New York Lawyer and Democratic- Republican and friend of Aaron Burr. Van Ness scheme included a tie in the electoral college moving the final decision to the House of Representatives. In the House, Livingston was to cast his vote for Burr causing a second vote and attempts to get three other Federalist Representative to endorse Burr. Van Ness assured Livingston that this “attack well directed” would give Burr the presidency and maintain peace in the Capitol.[5] Van Ness’ understanding of the vote was miscalculated, not understanding that each state would get one vote based on the majority of the Representative votes from that state. Baker points out that while there is no exact link to show Burr was directing Van Ness, “There is a compelling pattern of circumstantial evidence, much of it newly discovered, that strongly suggests Aaron Burr did exactly that as part of a stealth campaign to compass the presidency for himself.”[6] Baker lays out the connection between Burr and Van Ness, from their closeness in political meetings in Albany to the fact that Van Ness served as Burr’s second at Weehawken during the duel with Alexander Hamilton. From a political standpoint, Burr had attempted to usurp the power of the Presidency as a Vice-Presidential candidate and conspired with others to do so including sitting Representatives. Also, during the campaign Burr had actively and openly tried to gain votes for President while running for Vice-President in the same party.

            Historians Micheal Drexler and Ed White wrote the book, The Traumatic Colonel: The Founding Fathers, Slavery, and the Phantasmatic Aaron Burr, in the fourth chapter “The Formation of Aaron Burr” they write, “Burr barely existed at the moment, especially when viewed alongside the extensive and rich semiotic portrait of Jefferson, by supporters and enemies alike.”[7] Burr was a relatively unknown person in the national political realm, while Jefferson’s name was highly recognized, yet when it came to votes of the Electors, these men tied on multiple occasions. In May of 1801, a pamphlet was circulated calling the character of Aaron Burr into question. The pamphlet accused Burr of conspiratorial tendencies, hatred of the Constitution, greed, and deceptiveness. The pamphlet further states, “It is time to tear away the veil that hides this monster, and lay open a scene of misery, at which every heart must shudder.”[8] The pamphlet which was put out by Federalists also accused Burr of sexual deviance and the seduction of a young girl who was the daughter of a respected Washington craftsman. A number of anti-Burr pamphlets continued to be released and several pro-Burr pamphlets were released including one written by Willam P. Van Ness entitled, “An Examination of the Various Charges Exhibited against Aaron Burr”[9] which served as a rebuttal to the May 1801 pamphlet. In a pamphlet produced by James Cheetham, who edited New York’s American Citizen newspaper, “Cheetham proposes the theory that Burr, wishing to ‘supplant Mr. Jefferson,’ set out to court the Federalists in the hopes of achieving a second vice presidency under Charles Cotesworth Pinckney”[10] who they suspected would be the Federalist candidate in the next Presidential election.  Some historians would wonder if Cheetham had discovered Burr and Van Ness’ earlier plot and was attempting to expose it. Regardless of who was producing the pamphlets, Burr’s political clout was falling. Burr made attempts to write a book about his political career and block another book being written about him, but the damage had been done. Jefferson and his administration did what the could to distance themselves from Burr, Jefferson saw Burr as a threat to his presidency.

            The political struggles outside of the Capitol were well matched by the struggles that Burr was creating inside the Jefferson Government. The rift between these two men forced a divide along party lines where Burr would actively work against the initiatives of Jefferson, Burr encouraged the Federalists to avoid bargaining with Jefferson and the Democratic-Republicans even when Federalists were actively assassinating Burr’s character. In 1804, Burr would run for Governor in the State of New York, Alexander Hamilton spoke out against his candidacy and Cheetham republished allegations that had been made against Burr in 1801. Burr received a crushing defeat from both Federalist and Democratic-Republicans. Hamilton’s protest against Burr would lead to the fateful duel in Weehawken, NJ where Hamilton was killed. Once Burr killed Hamilton in a duel, “he became persona non grata among leading Federalists, Democratic-Republicans and, indeed, in polite society in general.”[11] Burr had left New York as a Coroner’s Jury was deciding whether or not murder charges would be filed regarding the duel.

            In August of 1804, Burr contacted Anthony Merry who served as the British Ambassador to the United States. Prior to contacting Merry, Burr had spoken with General James Wilkinson, the commander of the U.S. Army suggesting the formation of a new separate country in the Louisiana Territory. Burr advised Merry of this plan and Merry sent a dispatch to Britain detailing Burr’s offer to “effect a separation of the western part of the United States” from the rest of the country. In return, Burr wanted money and ships to carry out his conquest.[12] On August 14, 1804, Burr, Van Ness and Nathaniel Pendleton (who served as Hamilton’s Second) are indicted by a grand jury in New York for Dueling.[13] Burr had fled New York at the time and later in August he arrived in Georgia where he spent time at the plantation of Pierce Butler, little is known about the time Burr spent there.

            After Burr returned to Washington, he would preside over the impeachment trial of Federal Judge Samuel Chase, this would be Burr’s last action as Vice-President and President of the Senate. On March 2, 1805, Aaron Burr resigns his position as Vice-President in a speech to the Senate. Burr would be the first Vice-President to resign from his position causing a short vacancy in the position. Burr had still not answered the charges against him in New York. Over a month later he would ride on horseback to Pittsburgh to travel on a boat that he had built down the Ohio and Mississippi rivers. On April 30, 1805, Burr and a companion who would serve as his secretary launched from Pittsburgh on a journey to gauge popular attachment to the union and military actions against Spanish territory.[14] Burr’s plan was to meet with politicians to sense their loyalty to Jefferson and the United States and to plant the seeds of insurrection with those that he could.

            On May 30, 1805, Burr met with Wilkinson in Nashville and was treated to large dinners and balls in his honor, Burr would stay for four days as a guest of General Andrew Jackson. Burr then set sail for Fort Massac, which was in the Kentucky territory at that time, now in Illinois to meet with Wilkinson who was now the Governor of the Kentucky Territory to begin the plan to recruit and prepare forces for their planned separation from the United States. In October of 1805, Burr returned to Washington where he met and had dinner with Thomas Jefferson, Jefferson was aware of Burr’s travels in the west, however, little is known about their meeting. Lexington’s Kentucky Gazette reported that Burr was “merely traveling for amusement and information.” [15] In early November a Kentucky Federalist wrote to his brother-in-law in Virginia stating the Democratic-Republicans in Kentucky had paid “a great deal of attention to Colonel Burr;” “It is thought there will be attempts made by him to separate the western country from the Union.”[16] In 1806, Joseph Hamilton Davies who had been the Federal District Attorney for Kentucky wrote twice to Thomas Jefferson, in January and again in April, in his letter warned Jefferson of “Traitors among us” and “A plot for a separation of the Union in favor of Spain.” Davies, who was a Federalist, warned that people on “High Office” and among Jefferson’s “friends” were “deeply tainted with this treason.”[17] In the later letter, Davies named potential co-conspirators including, “James Breckenridge (the brother of the U.S. Attorney General), Senator John Adair, Rep. John Fowler, federal judge Harry Innes, Kentucky Judge Benjamin Sebastian, Attorney Henry Clay, Ohio Senator John Smith, and territorial governors, William Henry Harrison, and General James Wilkinson.”[18] Davies was naming prominent members of Jefferson’s Government and members of the Democratic- Republican party, but did not directly name Burr in his letters. From a political standpoint, this was a significant insurrection plot inside the standing government of the United States and United States Territories. Later in his book, James Lewis writes “To many Americans, the Burr crisis posed a grave threat to their young republic. History, both ancient and modern, and theory had taught Americans that all republican governments were fragile and fleeting.”[19] Historians have shown that young republics are ripe for insurrections and coup d’etat, it would appear that Burr’s actions along with Wilkinson and others were a planned insurrection. “Americans had worried that their republican government would share the fate of past republics even before it was fully established.”[20]

            During Early 1806, Burr had been writing individuals seeking financial support for his endeavors. In March of 1806, Burr again meets with Jefferson, the meeting was an attempt for Burr to obtain some type of political appointment, Burr leaves empty-handed and Jefferson does not mention the conspiracy.[21] In July, Burr notifies Wilkinson in a cyphered letter, “he had ‘commenced the enterprise and detachments from different points and under different pretences will rendezvous on the Ohio’ River on November 1. Burr writes that the troops will be at Natchez in early December to meet Wilkinson.”[22] In October, Wilkinson would receive cyphered a letter from Samuel Swartwout, one of Burr’s co-conspirators advising him that “Burr’s Army is poised to move down the river,”[23] this was meant to keep Wilkinson involved; however it had the Opposite effect and Wilkinson wrote to Jefferson, informing him of Burr’s plot.

            In November of 1806, Joseph Hamilton Davies, the U.S. Attorney General for Kentucky begins to take independent action, no longer waiting for word from Jefferson. Davies convenes a grand jury seeking to “indict Burr for high misdemeanor for preparing military action in Spanish Territory in violation of the Neutrality Act of 1794.”[24] The grand jury refused the indictment. Davies would try again in December of 1806, but he would not succeed. At the end of November Wilkinson would take military control of New Orleans out of fear an invading force was to set upon the town. On December 10, Harman Blennerhasset and a small group of Burr’s men would meet at Blennerhasset Island but would retreat down river when a group of Ohio Militia were spotted coming to the island. The Ohio Militia seizes eleven boats commissioned by Burr at Blennerhasset Island.

            In Washington, in October of 1806, Jefferson would hold several cabinet meetings to discuss whether or not the information received from Wilkinson was reliable. In November of 1806, an agent sent by Jefferson meets with Harman Blennerhasset, the agent approaches Blennerhasset as a man wanting to join Burr’s confederacy. Blennerhasset reveals the plan to this agent over a short period of time. The agent then reports back to Jefferson. On November 17, 1806, Jefferson announces a conspiracy in the western states has been uncovered that was planning an attack on the Spanish Territories, Jefferson does not mention Burr’s name, but request that those responsible be apprehended and brought to justice. U.S. Navy ships are sent to New Orleans to apprehend any boats connected to the conspiracy. “On January 10, 1807, when Aaron Burr moored his boats on the Louisiana shore opposite Bayou Pierre, he already appeared to be a ruined man. Ever since leaving Tennessee he had known that General James Wilkinson had deserted him.”[25] Burr knew that federal authorities were looking for him, and on January 11, 1806, the Governor of the Mississippi territory was notified that Burr was in Bayou Pierre. Burr had arrived there with nine boats and nearly one hundred men. “On the thirteenth he (Burr) sent a letter to Mead declaring that his intentions were entirely peaceful but hinting at resistance in case force were used against him.”[26] After several days of negotiation, Burr surrendered to authorities from Mississippi, Burr and his men were then transported to Washington where they would face trial.

Aaron Burr’s Arrest

            On January 22, 1807, Jefferson would send a letter to the Senate and House of Representatives detailing the conspiracy of Burr, and essentially prosecuting the case before the two houses. Jefferson writes, “Sometime in the latter part of September, I received intimations that designs were in agitation in the western country, unlawful, and unfriendly to the peace of the Union, and that the prime mover in these was Aaron Burr, heretofore distinguished by the favor of his country.”[27] Jefferson wanted it to be known that he would be involved with the prosecution of the conspirators, which is very much outside the purview of the Office of the President.

            Burr was indicted for Treason on August 17, 1807, his indictment stated that Burr “wickedly devising and intending the peace and tranquility of the same United States to disturb and to stir, move, and excite insurrection, rebellion and war against the said United States.” The indictment further cited, “to the number of thirty persons and upwards, armed and arrayed in a warlike manner, that is to say, with guns, swords and dirks, and other warlike weapons, as well offensive as defensive, being then and there unlawfully, maliciously and traitorously assembled and gathered together, did falsely and traitorously assemble and join themselves together against the said United States.”[28] If convicted Burr would face death by hanging. The indictment enlists the fact that Burr, as a Colonel, Lawyer, Senator, Vice-President had sworn an oath to the United States, and uphold the law and that he knowingly broke that oath. The indictment itself is strongly politically charged to point out Burr’s former offices.

            Historian and Legal Scholar R. Kent Newmeyer analyzes the intricacies of the conspiracy and trial. Newmeyer calls the trial of Aaron Burr, “Legal Theater,” he shows that the people involved in the trial were among the most important people in the new government, The President, Vice-President, and the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. The public of Richmond, Virginia flocked to the courthouse to see what was happening and who they could see attending the trial. Newmeyer writes, “What made the Burr trial truly national, however, was not the national audience, but the issues at stake and the national figures who symbolized those issues.”[29]  Newmeyer further highlights the legal theater that was occurring in the trial by showing the interplay of the attorneys involved in the trial itself. Burr’s attorney delayed the trial on multiple occasions with technical objections, the same attorneys then argued against delays when a key witness, General Wilkinson failed to appear on the date he was scheduled, and the prosecution could show an exact day he would appear. During a delay from June 3 to June 11, Chief Justice Marshall allowed the jurors to go home, not sequestering the jurors allowed them to read news coverage and speak to people about the trial itself.

Burr Trial

            Newmeyer discusses how the United States vs. Burr case is used to this day in citations for treason cases in federal court. The first treason case brought before the Supreme Court was United States vs. Bollman, which was a case directly related to the Burr case. The Bollman case did not bring the same fanfare as the Burr Trial, but it did establish precedent for the Burr trial. Newmeyer writes that these two cases are “foundational rulings on American Treason law, the decisions taken singularly and in tandem are difficult to unscramble”[30]  The decisions made between these two trials served as a strong precedent for the making of treason law within the court system. Newmeyer also reviews items regarding the jury for Burr’s trail and the difficulties it was to find jurors. The first problem was in finding impartial jurors in a high-profile case that had been heavily covered in the newspapers even prior to Burr’s arrest. “The second problem which surfaced during witness interrogation, was the stubborn indeterminacy of the facts themselves.”  The arguments being made were over the legal meaning of “Levying War” which was the charge in Article III of the case against Burr. Newmeyer argues that creating a meaning for “levying war” was argued between the attorneys involved. The arguments from the prosecution and defense took some time, but the defense deferred that they would likely not be able to find jurors with complete impartiality.[31]

            At the end of the trial and presentation of all evidence, Chief Justice Marshall wrote a lengthy decision on the case on August 31, 1807. In his decision, Marshall writes, “that the prisoner (Burr)was not present when that act, whatever may be its character, was committed, and there being no reason to doubt but that he was at a great distance, and in a different state.”[32] The case that was brought forth had stated that the conspirators were arrested at Blennerhasset Island, Burr was not present at the time of the arrests there, and the prosecution had stated such. Marshall’s decision continues stating, “1st. That, conformably to the constitution of the United States, no man can be convicted of treason who was not present when the war was levied. 2d. That if this construction be erroneous, no testimony can be received to charge one man with the overt acts of others until those overt acts as laid in the indictment be proved to the satisfaction of the court.”[33] Marshall held steadfast to the letter of the law in regard to his decision. Newmeyer cites the previous trial of the United States vs. Bollman, one of the co-conspirators, in that decision, Judge William Cranch writes, “To a man of plain understanding it would seem to be a matter of little difficulty to decide what was meant what was meant in the Constitution by Levying War.”[34] Cranch made his decision stating that anyone person should understand what levying war meant, the difference being that Bollman was present at the time of arrest and Burr was not.

            After Burr was found innocent of treason, he continued a normal and seemingly destitute life. Some of his co-conspirators were sent to prison for their parts in the conspiracy. James Wilkinson had been a spy for the Spanish during the entire incident and as early as 1791, Wilkinson died in 1825 in Mexico City as the U.S. Envoy to Mexico, in 1854 his spying was discovered and published.

            In the Trial of Aaron Burr a significant amount of political information was discovered about the new republic and the fragility of the union. The separations between the branches of government were set clearly between the Executive Branch and the Judiciary. John Marshall showed that the Executive branch should have no power over the Judiciary, Marshall refused to bow to political pressures and showed that the Judiciary had clear rules it would follow to define law. Marshall’s decision in the Treason case set a precedent that is still interpreted the same over 200 years later. The conspiracy showed that politically strong people could cause significant division in the republic and that the systems of checks and balances helps to keep that power in check. Historians have the ability to see the evidence well after the trial was over and decided and based on the evidence that exists today, a very different trial would probably take place.


“Aaron Burr, Fugitive and Traitor, 1804.” Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History, 2012.

Abernathy, Thomas Perkins. “Aaron Burr in Mississippi.” The Journal of Southern History 15, no. 1 (February 1949): 9–21.

Baker, Thomas N. “‘An Attack Well Directed’ Aaron Burr Intrigues for the Presidency.” Journal of the Early Republic 31, no. 4 (2011).

Critchlow, Donald T., John Korasick, Matthew C. Sherman, and Thomas Jefferson. “Aaron Burr’s Conspiracy – Thomas Jefferson.” Essay. In Political Conspiracies in America: a Reader, 14–18. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2008.

Hay, William, and John Randolph. “Indictment of Aaron Burr (August 1807).” Famous Trials. UMKC School of Law, 1995.

Lewis, James E. The Burr Conspiracy: Uncovering the Story of an Early American Crisis. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2019.

Newmyer, R. Kent. The Treason Trial of Aaron Burr: Law, Politics, and the Character Wars of the New Nation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012.

“Statement of Aaron Burr (March 31, 1807).” Famous Trials. University of Missouri – Kansas City School of Law, n.d.

United States v Burr (Opinion and Judgement) (Famous Trials By Professor Douglas O. Linder August 31, 1807).

[1] Sharp, James Roger. “The Election of 1800,” in American Politics in the Early Republic: The New Nation in Crisis (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1993), pp. 226-249. Page 226.

[2] Sharp. Page 226.

[3] Sharp. Page 228.

[4] Baker, Thomas N. “‘An Attack Well Directed’ Aaron Burr Intrigues for the Presidency.” Journal of the Early Republic 31, no. 4 (2011). Page 253.

[5] Baker. Page 554- 555.

[6] Baker Page 556

[7] Drexler, Michael J., and Ed White. “Burr’s Formation, 1800–1804.” In The Traumatic Colonel: The Founding Fathers, Slavery, and the Phantasmatic Aaron Burr, 102-34. New York; London: NYU Press, 2014. Page 103.

[8] Drexler/White. Page 107.

[9] Drexler/White. Page 108.

[10] Drexler/White. Page 109.

[11]Newmeyer, R. Kent. The Treason Trial of Aaron Burr: Law, Politics, and the Character Wars of the New Nation Chapter 1 (E-Book) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012).

[12] “Aaron Burr, Fugitive and Traitor, 1804,” Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History, 2012,

[13] Newmeyer. Chapter 1.

[14] Newmeyer, R. Kent. The Treason Trial of Aaron Burr: Law, Politics, and the Character Wars of the New Nation (E-Book) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012). Chronology of the Conspiracy and Additional Trial Proceedings.

[15]Lewis, James E. The Burr Conspiracy: Uncovering the Story of an Early American Crisis (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2019). (E-Book) Chapter 2.

[16] Lewis. Chapter 2.

[17] Lewis. Chapter 2.

[18] Lewis. Chapter 2.

[19] Lewis. Chapter 7.

[20] Lewis. Chapter 7.

[21] Newmeyer. Chronology of the Conspiracy and Addition Trial Proceedings

[22] Lewis. Chapter 2

[23] Newmeyer. Chronology of the Conspiracy and Addition Trial Proceedings

[24] Newmeyer. Chronology of the Conspiracy and Addition Trial Proceedings

[25] Abernathy, Thomas Perkins. “Aaron Burr in Mississippi.” The Journal of Southern History 15, no. 1 (February 1949): 9–21. Page 9.

[26] Abernathy. Page 10.

[27] Critchlow, Donald T., John Korasick, Matthew C. Sherman, and Thomas Jefferson. “Aaron Burr’s Conspiracy – Thomas Jefferson.” Essay. In Political Conspiracies in America: a Reader, 14–18. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2008.

[28] Hay, William, and John Randolph. “Indictment of Aaron Burr (August 1807).” Famous Trials. UMKC School of Law, 1995.

[29] Newmeyer. Chapter 3.

[30] Nemeyer. Chapter 3.

[31] Nemeyer. Chapter 3.

[32] United States v Burr (Opinion and Judgement) (Famous Trials by Professor Douglas O. Linder August 31, 1807).

[33] United States v Burr (Opinion and Judgement) (Famous Trials by Professor Douglas O. Linder August 31, 1807).

[34] Newmeyer. Chapter 4.

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