The Magical History Tour

The Lenni Lenape people were the primary inhabitants of the area that is now Eastern Pennsylvania and Delaware prior to European arrival and settlement. As the Europeans began to resettle and expand their settlements, the Lenni Lenape were unsettled by the encroachment and began to move their settlements further west. The arrival of William Penn showed a European leader willing to work with the Natives and give Natives a fair value for the land. When Penn moved away, the Lenni Lenape were subjected to fraudulent land deals and squatters who moved beyond agreed upon lands. This fraud by the Pennsylvania Colony and the further push of European re-settlers into the colony forced the Lenni Lenape to continue to move their settlement west, through the Allegheny Mountains, and into the Ohio Country. The purpose of this research is to trace the movement of the Lenni Lenape from the Delaware River valley to the Ohio Country and document the difficulties that they experienced with European re-settlers.

            The Lenni Lenape tradition and cultural belief is that they have been the inhabitants of the lands that we now know as New Jersey, Eastern Pennsylvania, Delaware and some areas of Southern New York for over 10,000 years. The Lenni Lenape peoples occupied the lands from the Atlantic Ocean and across the Delaware. They called the river that we know as the Delaware, Lenapewihittuck, ‘the river of humans,’ and the Lenape people controlled the valley where the river ran and well beyond it on both sides.[1] Since European arrival on the continent, the Lenape people showed a willingness to trade with the Europeans, trade for land with the Swedes and Dutch who had arrived and even help them establish crops on the land. In 1671, George Fox, a man known as the founder of the Quaker church arrived in New Castle (Delaware). He and a party of other Quakers came to explore the land, in search of a place to establish a Quaker colony in the new world. Lenape people greeted the Quakers and worked with them as guides as they toured the area. After exploring the region, Fox wrote to Quakers in England, including William Penn stating that the Lenape territory is “ripe for colonization.”[2] In 1681, Charles II granted William Penn the land west of the Delaware River to begin to build his colony.

            Understanding Lenni Lenape culture and settlements is important to understanding the spread of the peoples throughout this territory and their moves further west as European settlers began to encroach further into the Lenape territory. Jean Soderlund writes in her book, Lenape Country: Delaware Valley Society Before William Penn, that the Governor of New Sweden, Johan Printz wrote of his dealings with the Lenni Lenape people; “When we speak to them about God they pay not attention, but they will let it be understood that they are free people, subject to no one.”[3] The Lenni Lenape had no centralized form of government, they maintained their agreements between each other using decentralized organization of affiliated towns.[4] The Lenni Lenape were known to hold good relations with neighboring Native groups and the wars with other Native groups were largely to protect their lands and peoples. The Lenape socio-political structure was democratic and egalitarian, Sachem held authority only by consulting a council of elders and following the expectations of their people.[5]

The Lenni Lenape villages were built in a wigwam style with a wooden frame and a skin of woven grasses or bark which had been girdled from trees, villages could contain over a dozen of this wigwam style of house. The villages were not surrounded by a palisade fence which was common in other nearby Native cultures.  Diet consisted of maize corn, beans, and squash which was often supplemented by fish, deer, bear, and other local game, as well as local fowl like turkey, grouse, ducks and geese.[6] Agriculture and hunting was also supplemented by local flora of nuts, berries, and other wild edibles. Archeological evidence shows an extensive system of trade by the Lenni Lenape throughout what is now much of the middle eastern United States.[7] The Lenni Lenape occupied a vast land area, with many agricultural villages, a notable system of governance, and a strong trade system.

            When William Penn arrived on the land deeded to him by Charles II his plan for a Quaker colonial community was his stated goal. In a letter that William Penn sent, via messengers to the Native occupants of the region prior to his arrival, Penn advised the Indian Kings that his intent was to live peaceably with them upon these lands. The letter is known as a Letter from William Penn to the Kings of the Indians in Pennsylvania and in it Penn makes several promises to the Native groups. Penn writes, “God hath written his law in our hearts, by which we are taught and commanded to love and help and do good to one another, and not to do harme and mischief unto one an’other.”[8] Penn continues in this letter to acknowledge the poor treatment that Natives have endured from other European explorers and settlers. Penn concludes in stating that he and his representatives will negotiate in friendship and offer good value for the lands which they wish to purchase from them.[9]

. William Penn arrived in 1682, he immediately began to seek out peaceful relations with the Native populations in the region. In 1683, after meeting with Lenni Lenape leaders, William Penn stated, “I am ready to believe them of the Jewish race,”[10] following the belief that Natives on the American Continent were the lost tribe of Israel. From Penn’s own account of his meeting with the Lenni Lenape he wrote about their customs, “I will begin with the Children, so soon as they are born, they wash them in water,”[11] Penn believes this to be similar to a Christian baptism. “If Europeans come to see them or calls for lodging at their house or wigwam, they are given the best place and the first cut,”[12] Penn speaks highly of their manners towards outsiders, welcoming them in a peaceable way. Penn was also impressed with how the Sachems who met with him treated the other Natives in their groups. He was especially impressed with how trade and land deals were shared, “Some Kings have sold, others presented me with parcels of land; the pay or presents I made them, were not hoarded by the owners, but the other neighboring clans being present when the goods were brought out.” Penn was surprised at the sense of communal support that was help among the Lenni Lenape population and saw it as a true testament to their willingness to work with him. Sadly, Penn’s belief in a bright future in his “Peaceable Kingdom” would fall away as Penn returned to England to deal with affairs there.

A change in tone towards the Native population happened when Penn left, and external factors began to cause pressure within Penn’s holy experiment. The troubles for the Lenni Lenape as well as other Native groups then began. Thomas Sugrue explores the troubles incurred by the Natives from what he says in a “once ignored perspective of the Native American.”[13] In the article, The Peopling and Depeopling of Early Pennsylvania: Indians and Colonists, Sugrue uses archeological and ethnographic evidence to track and bring understanding to the movements of Native Peoples in Pennsylvania and their purposes for moving further from the European colonists. Sugrue writes, In the very process of settlement, Penn and his colonists unleashed forces which, even in the absence of coercion and violence, transformed the region’s environment, decimated the native population, and pushed natives westward. Natives weren’t just responding to the seen issues brought by the Europeans, Penn and his followers sought peace, but they also brought environmental changes and disease which would greatly affect the Native populations of Pennsylvania, and Delaware which was still part of Pennsylvania in the early part of Penn’s Colony.

For the Lenni Lenape, existence had been primarily peaceful, in archeological evidence gathered from “Lenni Lenape burials in the Late Woodland Period yield little evidence of violent death.”[14] Sugrue goes on to discuss the nature of the Lenni Lenape governmental system, or more correctly, the lack of a centralized governmental system. The Lenni Lenape had a system of kinship, where elders were respected and largely made the decision for the communities. Surgue argues that this may have been the downfall of the Lenni Lenape; he writes, “it has become clear is that, decentralized and living in small bands, the contact-era Lenape lacked the strong, cohesive tribal organization that enabled natives in other parts of British North America to resist European encroachment.”[15] The Lenni Lenape began to be ravaged by disease in the 1620’s and even more so as European settlers from Britain, Ireland and Germany began to settle in Penn’s colony. A German Minister living in Pennsylvania in 1694 noted, “A great many of these savages have died, even since I came here, so that there are hardly more than a fourth part of the number existing that were to be seen when I came to the country ten years ago.”[16]

The arrival of the Dutch and Swedes in the Delaware Valley led to the Lenni Lenape to become involved in the fur trade with Europeans. This trade would continue into British colonialization. Prior to their involvement in the fur trade, the Lenni Lenape were primarily subsistence hunters, supplying meat for their villages. The fur trade would require longer hunting trips and competition with other Native groups in the region. The fur trade led to war between the Lenni Lenape and the Susquehannock in 1632, the Lenni Lenape in a search for heavily desired beaver, which were scarce in the Delaware Valley had ventured further west into Susquehannock territory causing a shortly fought conflict. After that conflict, the Lenni Lenape mainly remained mediators for Europeans in those areas but mainly focused on bear and deer that were typically hunted. “Seventeenth century Lenape burial sites yield a growing number of European artifacts that the Indians incorporated into their rituals.”[17] European good became a part of the culture for the Lenni Lenape, the fur trade was bringing more options for clothing, food, household goods and hunting. European life was further encroaching into the culture.

In returning to the discussion of William Penn, Sugrue paints a different picture of Penn and his colony. Penn began advertising the colony in Britain and made promises that the first land purchasers would receive 5,000 acres of riverfront property along the Delaware.[18] This advertisement and sale had taken place before Penn had even received the Charter from Charles II, and much of the land along the river is where Lenni Lenape villages existed.[19] Sugrue’s points do contradict others who show Penn as a man who sought fair negotiation of land sales, yet in this research we see sales of land happening before Penn had even arrived to negotiate. “In his first account of the colony, published in March 1681, Penn guaranteed to purchasers land “free from any Indian incumbrance… By selling land to prospective colonists before treating with the Lenape, Penn displayed an astonishing indifference to Indian rights to the land.”[20] Sugrue argues that while some historians cite the uniqueness of Penn’s negotiation strategy with Native, he still made assumptions and sold land that he had not negotiated for first. Sugrue does go on to point out that Penn did all that he could to rectify the situation and assure that Natives were treated fairly in all negotiation and any land dealings with Natives that were not done fairly would be subject to significant fines and loss of that land back to the Native population. Penn made arrangements for continuous payments to the Lenni Lenape to maintain ownership of the lands that settlers occupied or used. This idea of continuous payments ended in 1700 after Penn had returned to Britain. “1700, during a period of financial difficulty, Penn ordered colonial officials to cease such payments. As it turned out, the retreat of the Lenape westward and the decline in native population diminished the possibility of conflict and thus left the colonists with no compelling reason to offer repeat payments.”[21]

Why were the Lenni Lenape moving west? “The large number of immigrants compensated for the negative natural increase among colonists in the first decades of settlement in Philadelphia. No British colony grew as rapidly as Pennsylvania.”[22] Pennsylvania was growing quickly and the Lenni Lenape were seeing the numbers of settlers grow, and the effect that trade was having on their people. Alcohol was being traded with Lenape peoples causing conflict not only internally but externally with settlers. With their lands decreasing Sachems and elders sought new places away from the Europeans. Some Lenape decided to remain in the Delaware Valley and attempt coexistence with the Europeans, some moved further north on the Delaware, and area less populated with Europeans, most moved west into the Susquehanna Valley to get further away from the further encroachment of European culture. In response to the difficulties of the Lenape, the government of Pennsylvania set aside “manors” to allow the natives to pursue their traditional lifestyle. Groups of natives also moved to areas on the borders of colonial settlement.”[23] One of these settlements called, Okehocking was very successful for a limited period of time. Okehocking was founded in 1701 and bordered a Quaker settlement and as native hunting began to deplete the huntable animals in the area, they became more dependent on the Quaker neighbors for food and had little to trade. By 1735, the Lenni Lenape had abandoned Okehocking, seeking lands further west. “The Lenape found it impossible to maintain their traditional economy and culture in the well-settled and cultivated plains of Eastern Pennsylvania.”[24] Dependent on their religious and cultural convictions, the Lenni Lenape sought a place of better lands and rivers. The Lenni Lenape religious practices had a word that they felt was the reason for their need for movement; “The notion of kwulakan, that an area in which harmony had broken down could not be entered without invoking the wrath of the deities.”[25] Many felt that if they remained near the Europeans, this wrath would continue to haunt them.

Another significant reasoning behind the Lenni Lenape leaving the Delaware Valley and moving west took place in 1737. Known as the Walking Purchase, this was a land deal issued by Thomas Penn, the son of William Penn. Thomas Penn met Lenni Lenape Sachems in order to complete this purchase. Thomas held in his hand what he said was a deed signed by Lenape chiefs in 1686 that sold all land north of Tohikcon Creek on the Delaware River to William Penn. The document stated that the amount of land would be measured by a day and a half’s walk from an agreed upon starting point. The agreed upon walk would take place in September, though the Lenni Lenape had no record of such a deal. In August of 1737, representatives of the Lenni Lenape met with James Logan, who was the Penn’s representative in Pennsylvania and served as the Deputy Governor. Manawkyhickon one of the Lenni Lenape spoke of the trust for William Penn, he also explained that the Lenni Lenape were hesitant to agree to terms because they were not sure exactly how much land Penn’s sons were asking for. In the meeting the Lenni Lenape representatives were shown a map of the purchase and explained the details of the walking purchase. “The sachems marked a document that confirmed an earlier draft deed and called for the walk to be made. The minutes of the meeting agree with this account, but they also reveal how the deceptive image disguised proprietorial intentions.”[26] The map that had been shown to the Lenni Lenape representatives was purposefully vague and crafted to miscommunicate the exact size of the land to the Natives.

 “In September 1737, the young men hired as walkers by the proprietors traveled faster and further northwest than Delawares (Lenni Lenape) assumed they would.”[27] The men who were “walking’ were heavily aided by men with horses, carts and canoes to cross waterways. When the walk had been finished, the three men had covered nearly twelve million acres. The Lenni Lenape immediately protested, at the August meeting, Logan agreed when asked if he would follow Penn’s words ““as the Indians and white people have ever lived together in a good understanding, they, the Indians, would request that they may be permitted to remain on their present Settlements and Plantations, tho’ within that purchase, without being molested.”[28] Thomas Penn had also agreed to these words with the Lenni Lenape prior to the August meeting.

William Penn’s sons, Thomas and James, had started selling land to settlers before the Walking Purchase had even been made. “Aware that this land could not realize it’s full value unless it was cleared of encumberences, they made plans to complete the supposed purchase of 1686 and expel the Delawares (Lenni Lenape).”[29] Thomas and James, unlike their father, were not Quakers, they did not hold themselves to the same moral beliefs as their father and were anxious to make a significant profit from land deals in the colony. When the Lenni Lenape protested the purchase and refused to move Thomas Penn sought help from the Iroquois Confederacy to expel the Lenni Lenape from the land. In 1742, Chiefs of the Six Nations of Iroquois met with Thomas Penn at Philadelphia. Penn paid the Iroquois for the land that had been vacated in the lower Susquehanna Valley. He then asked for their assistance in removing the Lenni Lenape from the land that was included in the Walking Purchase. “As you on all occasions apply to us to remove all white people that are settled on lands before they are purchased from you, and we do our endeavours to turn such people off. We now expect from you that you will cause these Indians to remove from the lands in the ffork of the Delaware, and bot give any further disturbance to the persons who are now in possession.”[30] The Iroquois openly scolded the Lenni Lenape, removing them from the lands that had been taken from them, forcing their movement to the west.

In earlier Literature regarding the Walking Purchase, there is some bias towards the British side regarding the purchase that is shown. An article written in 1911 by historian Reverend H.A. Jacobson for the Moravian Historical Society, he discusses the investigation into the Walking Purchase on behalf of the British Crown. The investigation was led by Benjamin Franklin on behalf of the Pennsylvania Colony. After the investigation which took over four years, “the final result was that the white settlers were confirmed in the titles to the lands they occupied, and the Indians were persuaded to vacate and move further westward.”[31] The final part of this article focuses on how hard the life on one of the “walkers” in the walking purchase was. The author generically uses the word “Indians” to describe the actions against Edward Marshall, who was one of the walkers that took part in attacks against him, at no point does he offer any evidence that the attacks were from the Lenni Lenape, or other Native groups. He writes, “There was a mutual hatred between him and the Indians. The Indians hated him because of the part he took in the great Indian Walk; Marshall hated the Indians because he suffered injury at their hands. While he was absent from home, the Indians attacked and burned his house. His wife escaped but was soon captured and murdered.”[32] While the attack on Marshall’s family is truly horrible, the story largely undercuts a significant historical event for Native people.

A large group of Lenni Lenape had settled along the Allegheny River after crossing the Allegheny Mountains, this new settlement was call Kit-Tan-Nee (currently the Pennsylvania town of Kittanning). This village was a shared village that also had many residents that were Shawnee who had come from the Ohio and Monongahela Valleys. While in the Allegheny Valley, the residents of Kit-Tan-Nee began to have trade relations with the French who had largely been trading in the area. The Lenni Lenape saw this relationship as a way to separate themselves from the British and the allies, The Iroquois Confederacy. At the outset of the French and Indian War, the Western Lenni Lenape (those living on the Allegheny) and the Shawnee sided had remained loyal to the British. The Lenni Lenape leader Shingas was part of a delegation who had met with Washington at Logstown on the Ohio River in 1752 when Native leaders in the area had asked that the British build a fort at the Forks of the Ohio (Now Pittsburgh). After the French had attacked the building of that British fort and took the site building Fort Duquesne, Shingas continued to work with the British.[33] At the request of George Croghan, an Indian Agent for the British, Shingas met with General Braddock at Fort Cumberland. At this meeting, Shingas asked Braddock what his plans were for the fort after he took it from the French. Braddock replied, “English should inhabit and inherit the land.” Shingas then asked if Indians friendly to the British would be able to live, trade, and hunt in the territory. Braddock replied, “No savage should inherit the land.”[34] Shingas then advised Braddock that the Lenni Lenape would no longer help the British, to which Braddock replied that he did not need their help.

Shingas would soon ally with the French, and though there is no documentation for it, there are some historians who believe Shingas may have informed the French of Braddock’s plans to attack Fort Duquesne. From Kit-Tan-Nee Lenni Lenape and Shawnee assisted the French as well as other Native allies from further west. Shingas and the Lenni Lenape and Shawnee warriors soon became know for their brutal attacks on British frontier settlements taking many hostages with them back to Kit-Tan-Nee. In 1755 after many attacks against frontier settlements, Governor Morris could do little, Morris found a loophole in the agreements with the Quakers who were pacifists that the Governor could use colonial funds for “associated companies” to be used in the safety of the Crown and protection of the people.  Governor Morris appointed John Armstrong, the state land officer in York County to gather a group of volunteers to protect the settlers on the frontier.[35] Colonel John Armstrong was sent with a force of Pennsylvania Volunteer Militia was sent to attack Kit-Tan-Nee and find Shingas and Captain Jacobs, another noted Lenni Lenape warrior who took part in the attacks. “During a fierce engagement, Armstrong’s force burned the eastern portion of Kittanning and several surrounding cornfields, destroyed a significant cache of gunpowder and ammunition, and killed several Delaware warriors, including the notorious war leader Captain Jacobs.”[36] Shingas, the remaining Lenni-Lenape and Shawnee escaped along with those they had as prisoners. While many viewed Armstrong’s attack on Kit-Tan-Nee as a victory for the British and it was celebrated throughout Pennsylvania, the attacks on British frontier settlements increased.[37] Historian William Hunter sees the attack on Kittanning in a different light, Hunter points out that the attack killed a significant leader in Captain Jacobs which may have helped slow any attacks by him and his followers.[38] “Although the settlements at Kittanning were not entirely destroyed by the attackers, they were abandoned by the Indians for less exposed settlements.”[39] Hunter also contradicts what was written by Myers and Barr in saying, “as subsequent events showed, the Indians’ confidence was badly shaken and they did not resume their warfare with the old vigor and effectiveness.”[40]

Though the articles are written 45-50 years apart, there is no significant change in the evidence and primary documents of the period.

After the death of Braddock and multiple losses to the French by the British, Britain sent General John Forbes to command the war efforts in the Americas. With Forbes new plan he sought better inroads with the Native population. Forbes knew that having Native allies was the only way that British forces could win the war. While Forbes began to direct his plan to retake the Forks of the Ohio, he assigned William Johnson, the British primary Indian Agent to gain alliance with or neutrality from the Native groups in Pennsylvania and the Ohio Country. Forbes especially wanted to get the Lenni Lenape and Shawnee in the region out of the fight after they had assisted the French in the attack on Loyalhannon (Fort Ligonier).[41] Forbes asked for help from the Quakers which was not a request that William Johnson liked. Forbes felt that the Quakers could bring the Western Lenni Lenape to the negotiations and get them to abandon the French and join with the British.[42] At Easton, the New Jersey delegation wanted to address and seek peace from the Eastern Lenni Lenape who had attacked settlements in New Jersey during the war, Pennsylvania wanted to address the Western Lenni Lenape attacks on Pennsylvania settlements during the war. The Lenni Lenape groups wanted a settled homeland and to address the Walking Purchase.[43] George Croghan’s goal was to address both the Pennsylvania Colony and the Quakers, negotiations with Native groups and that they should not be circumventing the Crown on such issues. At Easton, two new Lenni Lenape leaders arose, Pisquetomen and Tamaqua, these men spoke strongly and desired to make peace with the British. Pisquetomen was now seen as the leader of the Lenni Lenape at Allegheny and Tamaqua was the representative leader of the Lenni Lenape. After agreement had been made to return to the side of the British, Pisquetomen took the words and wampum belts and strings to Kuskuskies a settlement of Lenni Lenape and Shawnee on the Ohio River, north of the Forks of the Ohio. The Lenni Lenape and Shawnee were guaranteed lands in the Ohio Country by the British Government. After the war had ended, King George III made the Proclamation of 1763, stating that no British Subjects would live west of the Appalachian Mountains with the exception of the forts that the British now occupied after their defeat of the French. Many of the Lenni Lenape would move further into the Ohio Country and settle there. The American Revolution would change a great deal of how land negotiations were handled and those native groups who remained loyal to the British in the Ohio Country would be attacked during the revolution.

In this research, it should be noted that there remain obvious gaps and unknowns in the literature that exists. Those gaps lead to some difficulties in the research of the movement of the Lenni Lenape. One specific area of missing information is the movement of the Lenni Lenape from the Susquehanna Valley to the Allegheny Valley and if it was done in one solid movement, or there were settlements in between the two areas. There is also a gap in knowing how the relationship between the Lenni Lenape and other Native groups in the Ohio Country. Further research into these gaps could be developed in working with native historians and archaeological research.

In the overall discussion of Native movements whether voluntary or forced, it is important to bring in new voices regarding Native relocation and colonialism. It is understood by all of the historic references in this article that the movement of the Lenni Lenape over the Allegheny Mountains and into the Ohio Country is a direct result of European colonialization. Dr. Linda Tulawahi-Smith writes in her book Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples she suggests that even today acts of European colonialism “continue relentlessly and brings with it a new wave of exploration, discovery, exploitation, and appropriation.”[44] The patterns that existed with European colonialization continue to affect native populations around the world and in the Americas. George III in his Proclamation of 1763 wrote, “It is essential to our interest and the security of our colonies that the several nations or tribes of Indians… who live under our protection, should not be molested or disturbed.”[45] This proclamation may have been clear in word, but not in deed, as he kept active forts far past the Proclamation line of the Allegheny and Appalachian Mountains. Dr. Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz writes in her book An Indigenous People’s History of the United States. The history of the United States is a history of settler colonialism—the founding of a state based on the ideology of white supremacy, the widespread practice of African slavery, and a policy of genocide and land theft.”[46] This is a history that began before the formation of the United States itself in its colonial state. The movements of the Lenni Lenape were important for the preservation of their culture and heritage, while the Lenni Lenape still occupy some of their original lands along with Europeans and Africans who had re-settled there, the majority of the surviving Lenni Lenape live in shared reservations hundreds of miles from their original homelands.

Bibliography:

Barr, Daniel P. “Victory at Kittanning? Reevaluating the Impact of Armstrong’s Raid on the Seven Years’ War in Pennsylvania.” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 131, no. 1 (January 2007): 5–32.

Dunbar-Ortiz, Roxanne. 2015. An Indigenous Peoples’ History of the United States. Canada: Penguin Random House Canada

George. 2012. “Royal Proclamation of 1763.” Royal Proclamation of 1763 . Land of the Brave. https://www.landofthebrave.info/royal-proclamation-of-1763.htm.

Harper, Stephen C., “The Map That Reveals the Deception of the 1737 Walking Purchase,” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 136, no. 4 (October 2012): pp. 457-460

Hunter, William A. “Victory at Kittanning.” Pennsylvania History: A Journal of Mid-Atlantic Studies 23, no. 3 (1956): 376-407.

Jacobson, H. A. “The Walking Purchase.” Transactions of the Moravian Historical Society 9, no. 1/2 (1911): Pages 16-35.

Kenny, Kevin. Peaceable Kingdom Lost: The Paxton Boys and the Destruction of William Penn’s Holy Experiment. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011.

McConnell, Michael N. “Easton and the Kuskuskies, October–November 1758.” Essay. In To Risk It All: General Forbes, the Capture of Fort Duquesne, and the Course of Empire in the Ohio Country, 242–60. Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2020.

Myers, James P. “Pennsylvania’s Awakening: The Kittanning Raid of 1756.” Pennsylvania History: A Journal of Mid-Atlantic Studies 66, no. 3 (1999): 399-420.

Newman, Andrew. On Records: Delaware Indians, Colonists, and the Media of History and Memory. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 2012.

Penn, William. “‘Letter from William Penn to the Kings of the Indians in Pennsylvania.’” HSP Digital Library: Item: William Penn letter to the Kings of the Indians in Pennsylvania, 1681 [8044]. Historical Society of Pennsylvania, August 18, 1681. https://digitallibrary.hsp.org/index.php/Detail/objects/8044.

Penn, William, and Albert Meyers. William Penn’s Own Account of the Lenni Lenape or Delaware Indians. Moorestown, NJ: Middle Atlantic Press, 2000.

Soderlund, Jean R. Lenape Country Delaware Valley Society Before William Penn. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, Inc., 2016.

Sugrue, Thomas. “The Peopling and Depeopling of Early Pennsylvania: Indians and Colonists, 1680-1720.” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 116, no. 1 (1992): 3–31.

Tuhiwai-Smith, Linda. 2020. Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples. London: ZED Books LTD.

Wallace, Paul A. W., and William A. Hunter. Indians in Pennsylvania. Harrisburg: Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission, 2005.

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[1] Soderlund, Jean R. Lenape Country: Delaware Valley Society Before William Penn. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, Inc., 2016. Page 1 (Introduction).

[2] Soderlund, Page 4.

[3] Soderlund Page 12.

[4] Soderlund. Page 12.

[5] Soderlund. Page 13.

[6] Wallace, Paul A. W., and William A. Hunter. Indians in Pennsylvania. Harrisburg: Pennsylvania Historical and Museum Commission, 2005.Pages 27-28.

[7] Wallace. Pages 37 – 38.

[8] Penn, William. “Letter from William Penn to the Kings of the Indians in Pennsylvania,” (1681)

[9] Penn, William. “Letter from William Penn to the Kings of the Indians in Pennsylvania,” (1681)

[10] Newman, Andrew. Lenape Annals. On Records: Delaware Indians, Colonists, and the Media of History and Memory. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press, 2012. Page 25.

[11] Penn, William, and Albert Meyers. William Penn’s Own Account of the Lenni Lenape or Delaware Indians. Moorestown, NJ: Middle Atlantic Press, 2000. Page 25.

[12] Penn. Page 28.

[13] Sugrue, Thomas. “The Peopling and Depeopling of Early Pennsylvania: Indians and Colonists, 1680-1720.” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 116, no. 1 (1992)

[14] Sugrue. Page 9

[15] Sugrue. Page 10

[16] Sugrue. Page 12.

[17] Sugrue. Page 13.

[18] Sugrue. Page 16.

[19] Sugrue. Page 16.

[20] Sugrue. Page 17.

[21] Sugrue. Page 23.

[22] Sugrue. Page 26.

[23] Sugrue. Page 28.

[24] Sugrue. Page 30.

[25] Sugrue. Page 30

[26] Harper, Stephen C., “The Map That Reveals the Deception of the 1737 Walking Purchase,” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 136, no. 4 (October 2012): pp. 457-460 Page 458.

[27] Harper. Page 457.

[28] Harper. Page 460.

[29] Kenny, Kevin. Peaceable Kingdom Lost: The Paxton Boys and the Destruction of William Penn’s Holy Experiment. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011. Page 46.

[30] Kenny. Page 47-48.

[31] Jacobson, H. A. “The Walking Purchase.” Transactions of the Moravian Historical Society 9, no. 1/2 (1911): Page 33.

[32] Jacobson. Page 34

[33] Kenny. Page 67

[34] Kenny. Page 67-68

[35] Myers, James P. “Pennsylvania’s Awakening: The Kittanning Raid of 1756.” Pennsylvania History: A Journal of Mid-Atlantic Studies 66, no. 3 (1999): 399-420. 401

[36] Daniel P. Barr, “Victory at Kittanning? Reevaluating the Impact of Armstrong’s Raid on the Seven Years’ War in Pennsylvania,” The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 131, no. 1 (January 2007): pp. 5-32. Page 5.

[37] Barr. Page 5-6.

[38] Hunter, William A. “Victory at Kittanning.” Pennsylvania History: A Journal of Mid-Atlantic Studies 23, no. 3 (1956). Page 405.

[39] Hunter. Page 405.

[40] Hunter. Page 405

[41] Michael N. McConnell, “Easton and the Kuskuskies, October–November 1758,” in To Risk It All: General Forbes, the Capture of Fort Duquesne, and the Course of Empire in the Ohio Country (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2020), pp. 242-260. Page 243

[42] McConnell. Page 244.

[43] McConnell. Page 244.

[44] Linda, Tuhiwai Smith. 2020. Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples. London: ZED Books LTD.

[45] George III. 2012. “Royal Proclamation of 1763.” Royal Proclamation of 1763. Land of the Brave. https://www.landofthebrave.info/royal-proclamation-of-1763.htm.

[46] Dunbar-Ortiz, Roxanne. 2015. An Indigenous Peoples’ History of the United States. Canada: Penguin Random House Canada.